Mr. Gerhard Schröder, Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany about the future of Europe at the 46^th Annual Session of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly
(Berlin, Bundestag, 21November 2000)

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is a particular pleasure for me to welcome you here to Berlin for what is the sixth annual meeting of the NATO Parliarnentary Assembly to be held in Germany. A little over a year ago the Federal Government and the German Bundestag completed their move from Bonn to Berlin. Berlin, as you will see for yourselves, I hope, is a creative and lively city, an unfinished and expanding metropolis which lies at the heart of Europe and is thus a gateway for our partners in Central and Eastem Europe. You will have realized already that the move to Berlin has in no way changed the fundamental orientation of our policy. European unification and the Atlantic Alliance will remain the pillars of German toreign policy. Precisely because we Germans were particularly affected by the decades-Iong division of Europe - the wall ran throgh centre of Berlin just a few metres away from this building - we will not forget that NATO successfully guaranteed peace and security during that time.

The strong, dynamic transatlantic partnership will remain indispensable for Europe's security. This includes a substantial US military presence in Europe. For Germany, the Alliance has always been more than just a military alliance. What counts for us is the joint transatlantic commitment to the values and principles that unite us: freedom and human rights, democracy and the rule of Iaw. We belong to NATO so that we can live out these values, and that is why we shoulder responsibility within the Alliance.

The radical geopolitical changes which took place at the end of the 2Oth century confront NATO with major challenges. With the end of the Cold War, there is no acute risk of a major military conflict in Europe, and for that we have every reason to be thankful. Nevertheless, NATO's core task - to guarantee its member's collective defence - is as important as ever .At the same time, new tasks such a.s crisis prevention and crisis management are becoming increasingly significant. The A1liance must be able to react appropriately to crises and instabilities in the Euro-Atlantic area. Such crises can also endanger the security of the Alliance and its members. In such cases, the Alliance, in cooperation with the European Union, the OSCE or the United Nations, depending on the specífic circumstances, will have to take on responsibility. The closer NATO, the European Union, the OSCE and the United Nations liaise among themselves, the better they will be able to secure peace and stability.

Today more than ever, security can no longer be guaranteed by military means alone; they must always be the last resort. Military means cannot replace the entire spectrum of civilian crisis prevention and management capacities. This became obvious in the Balkans, where NATO has passed some important tests over the past few years. The success of the peaceful revolution in Serbia has shown us how right we were to take a firm stance a.gainst Milosevic's inhumane regime. The citizens of Yugoslavia deserve our respect. They mustered the courage to bring down a regime that had caused great suffering for millions of people in the Balkans. With the assumption of office by Ptesident Kostunica and the new governrnent, the prospects for Iasting peace and democracy for Yugoslavia and its neighbouring states have improved substantially. The Balkan states must now seize the opportunity and together open up to their people a new perspective for the future. With the StabilÍty Pact, we will help them in this endeavour to the best of our abilities.

NATO's presence in the Balkans remains indispensable. Not only within KFOR and SFOR is it helping to ensure that the people in Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina are shielded from renewed hostilities. Through the Partnership for Peace NATO also builds an understanding of the role of the armed forces in democratic societies. This is important work to prepare the ground for bringing the participating states closer to the Euro-Atlantic structures.

The process of stabilization and democratization in the Balkans will be a central concem of European security policy far into the future and is thus also an important task for the Alliance. In this context, the involvement of our transatlantic partners remains crucial. However, I should also like to express my appreciation for our good cooperation in SFOR and KFOR with our many partners who do not belong to the Alliance and who, like Russia for instance, are making an essential contribution towards stabilization in the Balkans.

During the Kosovo conflict Europe and North America had the strength to engage in joint action and assume shared responsibility .The European states are playing a key role in peacekeeping operations under the auspices of KFOR. With the recent assumption of command of the Kosovo operation by Eurocorps headquarters, we showed that the Europeans are wil1ing and able to take on military responsibility within the NATO framework. This willingness also underlies the development of a European Security and Defence Policy with which we want to make Europe capable of military action as well. This is a logical step in the process of European integration. Only with a European Union, strong in security tenns, capable of military action, operating side by side with NATO and with an efficient European security and defence identity within NATO will we be able to successfu1ly meet future challenges as transatlantic partners.

We are making good progress towards implementing the decisions taken at Helsinki and equipping the European Union with appropriate military capacities and with the necessary political and military decision-making structures. This includes early warning capacities and military and civilian crisis management instruments. The relevant tasks which have to date fallen within the remit of WEU, will be transferred to the European Union by the end of the year. An independent European Security and Defence Policy will also strengthen NATO. The additiona1 contribution which the EU then makes within the transatlantic security partnership will relieve the burden on the United States. I am pleased that the US Administration sees it this way now , after some initial reservations, and that it has reaffirmed its support for the European Security and Defence Policy.

In this context, the Federa1 Government believes it important that those European members of NATO which are not part of the European Union are integrated in an appropriate manner into the European Security and Defence Policy. To this we are resolutely committed. At the same time, we regard close and continuous coordination between NATO and the European Union on all security issues as indispensable. I am convinced that we will take another qualitative leap forwards in two and a half weeks' time at the Nice European Council and that we wi1l resolve to transform the interim bodies into a permanent structure capable of taking decisions.

Against the backdrop of the changed security environment, it is particularly important that the Alliance's military capabilities be adapted to its new tasks. That is why, at the NATO Summit in Washington, we approved the Defence Capabilities Initiative, and good progress is being made towards implementing it. However, we will not be able to do everything at once. It seems to me that the priority is for the Alliance to concentrate on those areas that are central to meeting the new tasks. For the German armed forces, then, strategic intelligence, transport and communications are to the fore. The Federal Government has from the outset made every effort to implement this major NATO project. The reform of the Federal Armed Forces will see a comprehensive reorientation of our forces. Once this reform is complete, Germany will be able to make a markedly improved contribution to the Alliance's new tasks.

In the wake of the political changes that have taken place in Europe since the end of the Cold War, the Atlantic Alliance has redefined its relations with the countries of Central, Southern and South-Eastem Europe. It has announced that it is open to all European democracies, irrespective of their geographical location, and made an offer of comprehensive partnership. This is part of our joint endeavours towards a stable order of peace for the whole of Europe.

Admitting Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary into NATO was a historic step, and I should Iike to extend a special welcome to their parliamentary representatives here today. W e have not forgotten the part played by these states in bringing about German unity .Without them. and without the support of our Alliance partners, it would have been impossible to achieve Germany's national unity. The A1liance is open to further new members. The key criterion for the admission of new members remains the question of whether candidates are in a position to meet the obligations and responsibilities incumbent upon Alliance members and to contribute to the security of the Euro-Atlantic area. The Membership Action Plan has proved to be a helpful instrument in drawing candidates closer to the Alliance. In addjtion, the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and the Partnership for Peace programme afford the candidates for accession opportunities to test their ability to cooperate with NATO in practice. I should like to encourage all candidates, and all other partner states too, to make full use of these opportunities. Germany will continue to support the countries of Central and Eastem Europe in their endeavours to move closer to the Alliance.

In this context, there is one thing I would like to emphasize: noone in Europe should harbour suspicions about NATO's openness to new members. This also applies to Russia. The security and stability of the countries of Central, Eastern and South-Eastem Europe are imoportant not only for these countries themselves. Rather, they create new possibilities for cooperation which also serve Russia's interests. In 1997 NATO and Russia agreed on comprehensive cooperation. This js of great significance for the establishment of a lasting order of peace in Europe. The Federal Government js firmly committed to expanding this cooperation on the basis of the 1997 Founding Act. Russia, too, should make full use of the possibilities on offer for constructive cooperation. The NATO-Russia Permanent Joint Council is a particularly appropriate forum in which to do so.

There are still many challenges facing the North Atlantic Alliance. The Alliance has in the past consistently proved able to adapt to an altered environrnent. I am firmly convinced that it wiIl continue to do so in future if we all play our part. If we do so, NATO will remain capable of action and continue its unparalleled success story. The NATO Parliamentary Assembly plays an important role in this regard. It makes the expertise of the parliamentarians available to the Alliance and serves to anchor the concepts of the transatlantic security partnership even more securely in the national parliaments. The many different joint activities of the Assembly and the parliaments of our Central and Eastem European partners are particularly praiseworthy.

You are in a position to make many valuable, forward.looking suggestions on topics that are crucial for the future of the A11iance. I therefore wish you successful and stimulating discussions at your. annual meeting here in Germany's capita1.